Introduction

1Football played by women has developed markedly over the last few decades (Abouna & Lacombe, 2008; Abouna, 2018; Boniface & Gomez, 2019; Grainey, 2012; Prudhomme-Poncet & Thiney, 2015; Travert & Soto, 2009, Williams, 2004). This development is illustrated by the exponential rise in player numbers, constantly growing audience figures (FIFA, 2019a) and the emergence of women’s football in countries where it had previously failed to gain popularity, such as Iran (Azard, 2020; Grainey, 2012) and Soudan (Le Monde, 2019). Thanks to the advent of international tournaments, greater player mobility (Dunn, 2016; Tiesler, 2016) and concerted efforts to ensure the recognition of female footballers (Cooky, C. & Antunovic, 2020), the sport is being driven by an unprecedented global dynamic. What is the true extent of this dynamic and to what degree does it form part of a global pattern? In other words, how is the feminisation/womanisation of football shaped by national contexts and how is football played by women affected by the historical importance of the men’s game?

2The notion of “women’s football”, which is often used to refer to football played by women, must be treated with caution. Setting aside the convenience of the term, it implies that the activity in question is separate from “football” and that the latter refers to a sport practiced by men. To avoid any confusion and cast aside this erroneous differentiation, which stems from a socially constructed order, we will avoid using this expression. We will use equivalent expressions when referring to participation in the sport by women and men. The notions of “women’s football” and “men’s football” will therefore be referred to without differentiating the two and without pre-judging the extent of any differences, or any aspects of the latter that are reducible or irreducible, “natural” or “cultural” (Collin, 2000). This choice may make for a less comfortable reading experience and one that requires greater effort, but this is a necessary step in the evolutionary process of football played by women, because the vocabulary encountered tends not to be neutral.

3Highlighting a growing interest in football played by women, numerous research projects in the field of social sciences make the general observation that a transformation process is underway. Yet, despite the progress made, the womanisation of football around the world is not a given, such are the disparities that remain within and between nations (Abouna, 2018). What marks this study out is that it questions this paradox by analysing international indicators in parallel with the development of football played by women and its dependence on individual national contexts. Firstly, however, it is important to consider the paradoxical context in which female participation in football has evolved.

4In its 2014 report, the Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA) estimated the number of female footballers at around 4.8 million. The number quoted in the latest FIFA report from 2019 is 4.07 million (2014; 2019b). Rather than pointing to a genuine decline, the difference observed in 2019 appears to be the result of improvements in FIFA’s data collection methods, which up until then had been a topic for debate (Courtin, 2010). Indeed, the quality of the data had in many cases been compromised by the heterogeneous collection methods applied, which stemmed from the sports policies of individual nations or a lack of data in some countries. Nonetheless, according to the figures, the number of female players still grew in the majority of contexts. While the data is not exhaustive, this is notably the case in Europe (the second great bastion of football played by women, with 44% of all registered players, behind the United States and Canada, which together account for 46% of the world’s registered female footballers) and at a national level in countries such as France. Indeed, figures published by the Union of European Football Associations (UEFA) indicate that the number of female footballers is on the rise, with a 6% increase during the period 2015/2016 and an increase of just over 7% in 2016/2017 (UEFA, 2017a). The increase is even more striking when it comes to professional football, with a 119% rise in the number of professional and semi-professional players between 2012/13 and 2016/17, according to UEFA. This trend has continued, with the number of female professionals increasing by 25% during the 2017/2018 season (UEFA, 2017b). France is again a telling example, with women accounting for 10% of the total in 2019, having increased from 3% in 2000, according to the Fédération Française de Football (FFF). The increase in the number of players is therefore demonstrable and significant (Boniface & Gomez, 2019; Gozillon, 2019; FIFA, 2019b).

5The 2019 Football World Cup held in France further reinforced the transformation process that has seen women’s involvement in the sport grow, with audience figures eclipsing those recorded during the previous edition in Canada in 2015. Indeed, the average television audience per match doubled, rising from 8.39 million during the previous tournament to 17.27 million in 2019 (FIFA, 2019a). It therefore seems hard to dispute that the exposure of football played by women is growing, but its true reach remains to be measured. As noted by Christian Bromberger (1998), football is one of the few organised sports around the world that unites as many, if not more, countries than the United Nations (UN). However, the extent to which this applies to football played by women remains a matter for debate.

6Indeed, while it now enjoys a larger share of the public’s attention (Abouna, 2018), we cannot ignore the fact that the publicity it receives still pales into insignificance in comparison to the men’s game. With a feminisation rate of 12% (FIFA, 2019b), football remains a male sporting bastion (Breuil, 2011; Caudwell, 2011; Menesson, 2005; Pfister, 2015). Compared to their male counterparts, there is less of a focus on female footballers, both in terms of the resources allocated to them [1] and the interest they generate. As previously established (Abouna and Lacombe 2008), the global fervour around football still varies in magnitude depending on whether one is talking about football played by women or by men. However, the general observation that the womanisation of football around the world remains low overall does not factor in specific national contexts, with certain countries dominating the sport in terms of the number of male players and the competitive achievements of the men’s team. While it seeks to investigate the processes at play in the womanisation of football, this study also raises questions regarding the relationship between female and male footballers. The aim is to define the contours of football played by women in different countries (Fasting, 2003; Kittleson, 2014; Knijnik, 2014; Pfister, 2014), as well as its possible interactions with the men’s game. While answers have occasionally been provided by research conducted in the field (Abouna & Lacombe, 2008; Abouna 2010, 2018; Boniface & Gomez, 2019, Gozillon, 2019; Grainey, 2012; Pfister, 2015; Valenti, Scelles & Morrow, 2018), evidence of a globalising logic remains limited. A cross-cutting understanding of womanisation that ties in with national cultures is still lacking. We will therefore attempt to grasp the dynamics at play within different countries (Botelho & Agergaard, 2011) with respect to their culture of gender equality (Evans, 2017; Falquet, Hirata, Kergoat, Labari, Le Feuvre, & Sow, 2010). We will examine these processes through the prism of gender (Bandy, 2014; Cooky & Antunovic, 2020; Cooky & Messner, 2018; Liotard & Terret, 2005) by analysing differences between women and men in terms of the breakdown of player populations, appearances at World Cups, competitive achievements and performance according to social configurations (Elias, 1981; Elias & Dunning, 1994), which are themselves considered based on key international socio-economic indices. This examination will rely upon a secondary analysis of statistical data from FIFA and a number of national federations (the majority of which saw their teams qualify for the 2018 World Cup in Russia and the 2019 World Cup in France) correlated against three key international socio-economic indices: the Human Development Index (HDI), the Gender Development Index (GDI) and the Gender Inequality Index (GII). We will also analyse this correlation using a fourth index, which we constructed for the purpose: the “Men’s/Women’s Ranking Difference Index” (MWRDI). This index highlights the difference in performance between the men’s and women’s football teams in each country.

7By cross-tabulating data on female and male footballers, we will assess the different womanisation models at play at an international level in relation to national contexts (Poli, Ravenel & Besson 2017). We will attempt to take into account the diverse conditions of possibility, as well as the social and cultural drivers of this womanisation with respect to social configurations (Elias, 1981; Elias & Dunning, 1994; Ducret, 2011; Duvoux, 2011), not least the specific ways in which the sport is organised and structured (Gaubert, 2017). The analysis will focus on the interplay between the influence of gender relations and that of wealth/human development indicators from three perspectives: historical (breakdown of player populations, number of appearances at World Cups and success in tournaments), cultural and sociological (sociological factors are considered through the HDI, GDI and GII indices). We will explore these factors and their interrelationships using multivariate statistical analyses (PCA, ANOVA), which will enable us to determine the relative significance of each of these indices.

1. A multi-sited, theoretical and methodological study of the globalisation of women’s football

2. Feminisation in football: looking beyond appearances ?

2.1. Is there a disconnect between football played by women and the men’s game?

2.1.1. The relationship between female and male footballers in terms of player numbers

20Despite limitations stemming from the limited scope of the data (only 25 out of 44 countries offer data that distinguishes between male and female players, i.e., 57% of the total), the first observation to be made based on the analysis of player numbers is the numerical superiority of males in all national contexts, as shown in table 1. This table is based on data from FIFA and national federations.

Table 1. Table showing the number of registered male and female footballers by nation

Table 1. Table showing the number of registered male and female footballers by nation

21The breakdown of player numbers in this table indicates that there are more male than female footballers in every country. While “male dominance” is universal, the extent to which this is the case various greatly from one nation to the next. The variation in the male/female breakdown according to the context allows us to set out a typology comprising three groups of countries, illustrated by a few examples:

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• Countries with a high rate of womanisation (more than 10%): Canada and the United States in North America, which stand out due to their exceptionally high rates of just under 40% and 42%, respectively; Germany, Portugal, Denmark, Sweden, Iceland and Norway in Europe; Tunisia in Africa; Australia in Oceania. Women’s involvement in football is more firmly established in this first group.
• Countries with an average rate of womanisation (between 5 and 10%): England, Belgium, Switzerland, Netherlands and France in Europe; Argentina in South America. Female footballers are generally gaining ground in these countries.
• Countries with a low rate of womanisation: Mexico; Brazil and Colombia in Central and South America; Poland, Italy, Russia and Spain in Europe; Morocco in Africa; Japan in Asia. Female participation seems to still be emerging in these countries, even though the men’s game is very well established in some of them, including Italy, Spain and Brazil.

23Countries for which no data is available are not included in this typology, but they do feature in the analysis of the contexts in which football played by women is or is not emerging.

24The first observation to be made is that the nations in which football is not considered a “major” sport (USA, Canada, Northern European countries, etc.) are those in which female footballers have the strongest presence, with very high numbers of players compared to the global average. Secondly, there are contexts, such as in certain Southern European countries (Italy, Spain), where female footballers account for a very small proportion of the total, despite football being the national sport. The same observation can be made in less economically developed countries such as Cameroon and Morocco, where football is an important part of the nation’s culture.

25Disparities therefore seem to be accentuated by national traditions, with the percentage of female footballers being inversely proportional to the overall size of the player population. Indeed, in the leading footballing nations, women appear to be deterred from participating in the sport. This disconnect in the relationship between men and women can also be examined from a performance standpoint.

26The theory that women are potentially deterred from playing when the men’s game is well established in a country, leading to lower numbers of female players, is not entirely new (Abouna & Lacombe, 2008; Abouna, 2010). Once again, this raises questions regarding the conditions under which the women’s game is able to emerge and female footballers can gain visibility. To what extent does the performance of men’s teams play a role, if at all?

2.1.2. The relationship between female and male footballers in terms of performance

27We analyse performance based on two indicators: number of appearances at World Cups and world ranking of the national teams in World Cup years: 2018 for the men and 2019 for the women.

28While there may be synergies between football played by women and men (Bayle, Jacqcard & Vonnard, 2013), the analysis shows that the womanisation of football is not necessarily related to the importance of football’s role in a country’s history. As was the case with the analysis of the gender breakdown of footballers, this observation seems to be confirmed when we analyse performance factors.

29Since their creation, there have been eight Women’s World Cups and twenty-one Men’s World Cups. To compare them, in figure 1 we have expressed World Cup participation as a percentage of the maximum possible number of appearances in the tournament.

Figure 1. Participation (W) and (M) expressed as a % of the total number of respective World Cups

Figure 1. Participation (W) and (M) expressed as a % of the total number of respective World Cups

30It is interesting to examine figure 1 alongside figure 2. In the latter, we compare the respective rankings of women’s and men’s teams during the World Cup years in question.

Figure 2. World rankings of nations during the 2018 (M) and 2019 (W) World Cup years

Figure 2. World rankings of nations during the 2018 (M) and 2019 (W) World Cup years

31If we analyse the number of appearances of women’s and men’s teams in World Cups (figure 1) in parallel with their international rankings (figure 2), chaotic patterns can be observed on both graphs. It is clear from this that there is no relationship between the participation of women’s and men’s teams in World Cups, or between their rankings over the course of their history.

32These results lead us to assume that other variables come into play in the development of football played by women. We also believed it would be interesting to analyse performance differences by creating a new index, which we termed “Men’s/Women’s Ranking Difference Index (MWRDI)”.

33This new index allows a direct comparison to be made between performance and gender difference (MWRDI = Women’s ranking – Men’s ranking).

34A high positive MWRDI means that the men’s team performs better, as well as indicating a higher ranking than the women’s team. Conversely, a high negative MWRDI means that the women’s team performs better and indicates that the women’s team is ranked higher. Figure 3 shows the index calculated for each country included in the study.

Figure 3. Men’s/Women’s Ranking Difference Index (MWRDI)

Figure 3. Men’s/Women’s Ranking Difference Index (MWRDI)

35The analysis highlights three categories of country, as shown in figure 3 and table 2. The categories identified are as follows:

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• Category 1: countries where the women’s ranking is significantly higher than the men’s; the difference ranges from -8 to -82.
• Category 2: countries where the women’s and men’s teams are similarly ranked; the difference ranges from -7 to +9.
• Category 3: countries where the men’s ranking is significantly higher than the women’s; the difference is greater than or equal to +10.

37These categories and the countries that fall into them appear in table 2 opposite. This typology also enables us to study the influence of MWRDI according to economic, cultural, social and political factors, via the HDI, GDI and GII indices.

Table 2. Typology of countries according to the men’s/women’s ranking difference (MWRDI)

Table 2. Typology of countries according to the men’s/women’s ranking difference (MWRDI)

38If we look at the extremes of categories 1 and 3, there is a strong contrast and an imbalance between countries such as Thailand (-82) and Canada (-73), where the women perform much better than the men, and countries like Iran (+80) and Tunisia (+75) where the opposite is true. For emerging countries such as Thailand, we do not have data on the number of female footballers, but the performance of its women’s team is significantly better than that of its men’s team, while Iran publishes no official female player numbers and does not have a women’s team in the international rankings. There are also countries where the performance difference between men and women is very small, such as France (+2) and Italy (+1). This suggests that sociological, cultural and even political and religious factors may have a bearing on the difference between men and women. We therefore completed this study with a multivariate principal component analysis to examine these factors and their correlation, before analysing each index.

2.1.3. The level of development of women’s football with respect to the factors examined

39The multivariate principal component analysis presented below allows the relationship between the various aforementioned factors to be assessed and, more importantly, enables us to go beyond a simple descriptive analysis.

Principal component analysis (PCA)

40The first principal component accounts for 30.5% of the variance (figure 4).

Figure 4. PCA of the first two components, which account for 49.2% of the variance in the results

Figure 4. PCA of the first two components, which account for 49.2% of the variance in the results

41What can be ascertained from this chart is that the ranking of women’s teams and their participation in World Cups are influenced by socio-economic factors (the economic, political, educational and global scores) as well as by the rankings of countries in other areas. The higher the score for these different variables, the better the results and the higher the number of appearances (see table 3).

Table 3. Factorial coordinates of the first principal component (PCA) based on correlation coefficients

Variables of the 1st principal component	Factorial coordinates
Overall score	0.880
Economic score	0.759
GDI	0.732
HDI	0.706
Political score	0.682
Educational score	0.533
Participation in Women’s World Cups	0.501
Women’s world ranking	-0.588

Table 3. Factorial coordinates of the first principal component (PCA) based on correlation coefficients

NB: The correlation for the women’s world ranking is negative, since the values are reversed. 1 is the value for the best-ranked team.

42The second principal component accounts for 18.7% of the variance. What can be observed is that the higher the male percentage of players registered with a federation, the higher the number of appearances by men at World Cups and the greater the number of men’s titles. Conversely, the female percentage of players registered with the federation will be lower and they will have fewer titles and appearances (figure 4 and table 4).

Table 4. Factorial coordinates of the second principal component (PCA) based on correlation coefficients

Variables of the 2nd principal component	Factorial coordinates
Male Percentage	0.658
Female Percentage	-0.652
Number of Women’s titles	-0.719
Women’s Participation	-0.578

Table 4. Factorial coordinates of the second principal component (PCA) based on correlation coefficients

43It may also be suggested here that, statistically, football played by men (if we focus on performance and player numbers) seems to have a negative effect on football played by women.

44The third principal component accounts for just 13% of the variance.

45There is a direct link between the performance of men (number of appearances at World Cups, number of titles and world ranking) and a country’s economic ranking. The higher the latter, the better they perform.

46This multivariate study, which explains 62.5% of the variance in the results, clearly demonstrates the complex interrelationships that exist and the notable influences of football played by men in each country on the development of the women’s game. These influences may go as far as having a deterrent effect on women. They seem to bear relation, in particular, to the gender effects highlighted by a number of studies (Allison, 2016; Caudwell, 2011; Drury, 2019; Ratna, 2011). These effects, which often correlate with socio-economic and even cultural factors, are accounted for here by the HDI, GDI and GII indices.

2.2. The influence of the HDI, GDI and GII on the performance of female and male footballers

47We created a typology that breaks down the HDI, GDI and GII indices into four classes (low, average, high, very high), as defined in table 5.

Table 5. Typology of the HDI, GDI and GII indices

Index Level	HDI	GDI	GII
Low	< 0.504	< 0.862	< 0.700
Average	0.504 - 0.645	0.862 - 0.878	0.700 - 0.722
High	0.646 - 0.757	0.879 - 0.957	0.723 - 0.750
Very High	> 0.757	> 0.957	> 0.750

Table 5. Typology of the HDI, GDI and GII indices

48This typology provides us with discriminating factors that serve the purposes of the study. In particular, it allows us to set out scales for the different indices in figures 5 to 9. Here we will examine only the most significant results.

2.2.1. The influence of the HDI on the ranking of women’s teams

49In figure 5, we can observe that the higher the human development index, the better the ranking of women’s teams, with a high degree of significance (p < 0.001).

Figure 5. Interrelationship between HDI and the ranking of women’s teams

Figure 5. Interrelationship between HDI and the ranking of women’s teams

50The status of women in society often correlates with the degree of human development. The higher the HDI, the higher the status of women. Conversely, if the level of human development is low, this can reinforce gender inequality and exclude women from certain spheres (Ryckmans & Maquestiau, 2008; Jany-Catrice & Méda, 2011), including sport. Thus, the HDI takes into account not just economic wealth, but a combination of factors. This may explain why the world ranking of women’s teams is higher when the HDI is high (figure 5).

51The HDI has no impact on the participation of female footballers in World Cups (P = 0.13). This may be explained by the fact that the Women’s World Cup was created relatively recently.

2.2.2. The influence of the HDI on the participation of men’s teams in World Cups

52In contrast to female footballers, we can observe that men’s teams (figure 6) clock up more appearances at World Cups when they hail from nations with an average HDI (p < 0.001), or even a high HDI, than when they represent countries with low or very high HDIs.

Figure 6. Interrelationship between the Human Development Index (HDI) and the participation of men’s teams in World Cups

Figure 6. Interrelationship between the Human Development Index (HDI) and the participation of men’s teams in World Cups

53Unlike in the case of women, football appears to be a driver of social advancement for men in countries with an average or high HDI. However, the HDI does not have a significant effect on the ranking of men’s teams (P = 0.30). Could this mean that football played by women is more deeply impacted, particularly in terms of performance, by the level of development of nations, as reflected by the HDI but also by its components?

2.2.3. The influence of the GDI on the ranking of women’s teams

54It can be observed in figure 7 that the ranking of women’s teams is linked to the GDI (p < 0.003).

Figure 7. Interrelationship between the GDI and the ranking of women’s teams

Figure 7. Interrelationship between the GDI and the ranking of women’s teams

55Countries with average GDIs tend to be ranked the highest, while those with low GDI’s tend to be ranked the lowest. This seems to confirm the hypothesis that a country’s level of development is by no means a neutral factor in women’s sporting success, without necessarily being the sole driver.

56Again based on an ANOVA, we observe that the GDI does not have a significant impact on the participation of women’s teams in World Cups, with the caveat that only eight editions of the tournament have been held to date.

2.2.4. The influence of the GDI on the ranking of men’s teams

57The GDI has no influence on the ranking of men’s teams or on their participation in World Cups.

Figure 8. Interrelationship between the GDI and the ranking of men’s teams

Figure 8. Interrelationship between the GDI and the ranking of men’s teams

58It should be noted here that gender logic has no effect on football played by men. The latter appears to benefit from the sport having strong historical roots, which tend to reinforce male hegemony in the footballing cultures of various nations.

2.2.5. The influence of the GII on the performance of men and women

59The GII has a significant effect (p < 0.025) on the 2019 FIFA world ranking of women’s teams. Countries whose GII is below 0.181 (the more egalitarian nations, i.e., categories 1 and 2) tend to have the highest-ranked women’s teams. Conversely, the least egalitarian countries (GII > 0.180) tend to have the lowest-ranked women’s teams. It should be reiterated that the lower the GII, the higher the level of gender equality in a country.

Figure 9. Relationship between the GII and the participation of women’s teams in World Cups

Figure 9. Relationship between the GII and the participation of women’s teams in World Cups

60Conversely, this index has no influence on the men’s ranking, on participation in World Cups or on the number of male and female footballers. It can therefore be concluded that a country’s level of wealth has a negligible effect on football played by men, but that it does have an impact on the development of football played by women when combined with socio-cultural factors.

2.2.6. The influence of the Men’s/Women’s Ranking Difference Index (MWRDI)

61To recap, the higher the negative MWRDI (calculated by subtracting the men’s ranking from the women’s ranking), the more dominant female footballers are relative to their male compatriots. This index correlates fairly strongly with the HDI, the economic score and ranking, the educational score and ranking, as well as the WWC value.

62We observe negative correlations with the HDI (r = -0.64) and its components: economic score (r = -0.63), educational score (r = -0.50) and WWC (r = -0.50). The lower these scores, the higher the MWRDI. In other words, the lower the HDI, the better the ranking or performance of the men’s team relative to the women’s team. Thus, by this metric, the performance of women’s football teams is dependent on human development as a whole.

63Looking beyond purely economic concerns, the HDI and its components provide an insight into the evolution of women’s status in different societies, through socio-cultural and political markers. Interpreting these markers leads us to conclude that the position and status afforded to women in national cultures are key drivers of the womanisation of football.

Conclusion

64The current popularity of football played by women cannot be ignored. However, it was necessary to take a step back and apply a critical methodology to deconstruct the immediate perception that a general process of womanisation is taking place in football, but also to gain an understanding of the social reality of the phenomenon.

65Indeed, it was important to identify the different factors at play in a situation that one might be tempted to present as homogeneous. Divergences remain in the womanisation process currently underway in the world of football, both within countries (Abouna, 2018) and between nations and continents. These divergences raise questions regarding the obstacles facing the globalisation of football played by women, if indeed there are any. Yet this globalisation does seem to be in effect within national processes of appropriation – be they formal (official teams) or informal (encouragement and involvement of women outside institutions) – which themselves hinge upon the degree to which football is rooted in national cultures.

66The results of our study confirm that positive progress has been achieved in the sphere of football played by women. The womanisation of football is illustrated by the ever growing number of female footballers. Meanwhile, male footballers continue to dominate the sport in all countries. However, this dominance varies significantly from one country to the next. In countries with a strong footballing culture and history, men monopolise the sport while women lag behind or are almost non-existent. Conversely, when a country’s footballing culture is less firmly established, female footballers are more likely to make inroads in the sport in terms of player numbers and even performance. In other words, football played by women has a stronger presence and enjoys greater visibility when the men’s game has less clout.

67Another notable finding of our study is the inverse relationship between international indicators and football played by both genders. This is true of the correlations between World Cup appearances, world ranking and tournament success, on the one hand, and the HDI and GDI indices, on the other, with both of the latter taking on more significance in the case of female footballers. As regards performance differences between men and women, the index we created (MWRDI) allows countries to be broken down into three categories and reveals significant contrasts in the relative performance of female and male footballers from one country to the next. As we had assumed, other variables at a more national level have an influence on the womanisation of football. Without having examined religious factors, it can be noted that football played by women is struggling to emerge in Muslim-majority countries (Azard, 2020).

68Beyond the typologies outlined, and without having examined the question exhaustively, this study allowed us to demonstrate the increasing, but heterogeneous globalisation of football by and for women. While progress has been achieved in many countries, fault lines remain, despite globalisation often rendering international borders somewhat permeable, sometimes in an informal way as is the case in Iran. The development of football played by women therefore depends as much on structural variables within countries as on the global forces that might shake up the latter to a greater or lesser extent. Thus, while football played by women is becoming more globalised, this is a long process governed by the advances achieved, certain permanent factors and the unique characteristics of each context, which contribute to a logic of “glocalisation”.

69Ultimately, this study shows us that womanisation is very much dependent on the focus placed upon it and its image within societies. In addition to technical and practical considerations, the womanisation process requires socio-economic and cultural factors to be taken into account.

70The analysis conducted reflects the major trends at play, but is not set in stone. Indeed, it could be extended over time, so as to monitor both the progress of the three groups of nations formed according to the rise in the number of female players, but also the group whose data does not yet distinguish between men and women, even though these countries do have female footballers.

71At the same time, despite the magnitude and complexity of the task, it would be useful to determine how football is organised or structured in each country, so as to better understand womanisation processes on a global scale.