Notes

• [1]
  Economist François Roubaud is a senior research fellow at UMR DIAL, IRD-Paris-Dauphine (French Institut of Research for Developpement) (roubaud@ dial. prd. fr).
• [2]
  Sociologist Jean-Michel Wachsberger teaches at Université de Lille III. He is a member of CERIES-Université de Lille3 (Centre de Recherches Individus, Epreuves, Sociétés) and an associate research fellow at UMR DIAL, IRD-Paris-Dauphine (jean-michel. wachsberger@ ensae. org).
• [3]
  Closure of private radio stations in Toamasina and Toliara; non-renewal of the French RFI correspondent’s visa in 2005, and expulsion of Christian Chadefaux, founder of l’Express magazine and Editor-in-Chief of Les Nouvelles newspaper, in 2006; ban on public meetings organized by the opposition in November and December 2005, etc.
• [4]
  Razafindrakoto, M., L. Razafimamonjy, D. Razafindrazaka and F. Roubaud, “La démocratie à Madagascar: Un soutien marqué mais un fonctionnement à améliorer,” Afrobarometer Briefing Paper no. (October 2005).
• [5]
  Sen, A. La démocratie des autres. Pourquoi la liberté n’est pas une invention de l’Occident. Paris: Payot, 2005.
• [6]
  Harrison, L. and S. Huntington (eds), Culture matters: How values shape human progress, New York: Basic Books, 2000 and Varshney, A., “Democracy and Poverty,” Paper for the Conference on World Development Report 2000, organized by the U.K. Department for International Development and the Institute of Development Studies, Sussex, August 15-16, 1999.
• [7]
  Weissman, F. Élection présidentielle de 1992 au Congo. Entreprise politique et mobilization électorale. Bordeaux: Centre d’étude d’Afrique noire, 1993 and Faure, Y.-A. “L’économie politique d’une démocratisation: Éléments d’analyse à propos de l’expérience récente de la Côte d’ivoire,” Politique Africaine, 43 (October 1991), 31-49.
• [8]
  For a critical review of this literature, see Razafindrakoto M. and F. Roubaud, “Les pauvres, la démocratie et le marché: Une analyse à partir de trois séries d’enquêtes auprès de la population malgache,” Revue d’économie du développement, 1 (2005), 56–89.
• [9]
  Evans-Pritchard, E. and M. Fortes (eds), African Political Systems, Oxford University Press, 1940.
• [10]
  ny olombelona toy ny fandrin-drano, ka tsy misy avo sy iva: men are like the surface of still water: there is no up or down (Rasolonjatovo, 2002).
• [11]
  “The sovereign Malagasy people [are] profoundly attached to their cultural and spiritual values, especially to Fihavanana, which forms the basis of national unity.” Razafindratsima, N. Les solidarités privées dans l’agglomération d’Antananarivo (Madagascar) en 1997: Famangiana (visites), cohabitation, entraide financière et matérielle. Doctoral thesis in Economics, IEP (Institut d’Études Politiques), Paris, 2005.
• [12]
  “We will strengthen our Fihavanana. That same unity that was so dear to our ancestors. Fihavanana will be the very essence of our democracy and will serve as the basis for our government. A government that will see the participation of all the Nation’s driving forces steered by a real and sincere will to swiftly develop our country, which can never be the work of just one man, but the responsibility of every one of us.” (May 6, 2002)
• [13]
  Ny teny ierana tsy mba loza; tsy misy mangidy noho ny sakay, fa raha teny ierana dia hanina: consultation cannot do any harm; nothing is hotter than chili, but if we agree to eat it, then we manage anyway.” (Rasolonjatovo, 2002).
• [14]
  Condominas, G. Fokon’olona et collectivités rurales en Imerina (1961), Paris: Éditions Orstom, 1991 and Andrianjafy-Andrianmanindrisoa, E. Économie populaire, territoires et développement à Madagascar: Les dimensions historiques, économiques et socioculturelles du fokonolona. Doctoral thesis in the Social Sciences, Université Catholique de Louvain, 2004.
• [15]
  Rakotarisoa, J.-A. (2002), “Les racines culturelles de la crise malgache,” Le Monde diplomatique, March 2002.
• [16]
  Roubaud, F. Identités et transition démocratique: L’Exception malgache? Paris-Antananarivo: L’Harmattan-Tsipika, 2000, and Ramamonjisoa, J. (2002), “Les relations entre ethnies à Madagascar: Une problématique souvent mal posée,” Afrique contemporaine, 202-203 (April–September 2002), 55–71.
• [17]
  During the 2002 crisis, former president D. Ratsiraka accused M. Ravalomanana of trying to establish the domination of the Merina bourgeoisie of Antananarivo over the country.
• [18]
  Razafindrakoto, M., L. Razafimamonjy, D. Razafindrazaka and F. Roubaud, “Accès aux services publics et conditions économiques: Des inégalités entre les riches et les pauvres... Mais pas de discriminations ethniques,” Afrobarometer Briefing paper, no. 24, October 2005.
• [19]
  Nearly three-quarters of Madagascans (73%) think that everyone should be able to freely express their political views even if they are contrary to popular opinion; 72% of Madagascans support the right to participate in any organization, regardless of whether it has government approval; a vast majority (88%) thinks that everyone should have the right to vote, even if they do not totally understand the election issues; 79% of individuals feel that women should have the same rights and treatment as men.
• [20]
  Only 31% of Madagascans believe that if the current system does not produce results in the near future, another form of government should be tested, whereas 56% feel that the current system of elected government should be given more time to address the problems inherited from the past.
• [21]
  Wachsberger, J.-M. “Participation citoyenne: Société civile et médias – Comparaisons internationales,” Lettre de l’Observatoire National de l’Intégrité, 3 (2006), Antananarivo, 13-26.
• [22]
  83% of adults were registered on the electoral roll for the 2002 general election and 77% actually voted.
• [23]
  Wachsberger, “Participation citoyenne.”
• [24]
  Whose findings are consistent with those obtained by the two previous surveys; Rakotomanana, F., Razafindrakoto, M. and F. Roubaud (2004), Gouvernance, démocratie et lutte contre la pauvreté à Madagascar: Le point de vue de la population de la capitale. Enquête 1-2-3, 2003, premiers resultants. Madagascar: INSTAT/DIAL, September 2004.
• [25]
  88% of the inhabitants of the capital are in favor or very much in favor of democracy, and 91% are in favor or very much in favor of having a democratic political system to govern the country. Almost nine of Antananarivo's inhabitants out of ten are against one-man rule or military rule (77% of Antananarivo’s inhabitants simultaneously reject both forms of authoritarian government). There is therefore little of what M. Bratton (2002) calls “residual attachments” to a non-democratic system.
• [26]
  29% of Antananarivo residents feel that democracies are unable to maintain law and order and 34% believe that the economy does not work well in a democracy.
• [27]
  The Afrobarometer confirms this higher percentage of political mobilization among the capital’s residents: 29% of the inhabitants of greater Antananarivo stated that they had taken part in a demonstration at least once in the 12 months preceding the survey, compared to an average of 13% for the country as a whole.
• [28]
  Godechot, O. “Plus d’amis, plus proches? Essai de comparaison de deux enquêtes peu comparables,” INSEE working document, statistical methodology, 4 (2000).
• [29]
  The FJKM is the biggest Protestant church in Antananarivo. About 46% of Antananarivo’s inhabitants belong to it (Roubaud, Identités et transition démocratique).
• [30]
  There are 18 ethnic groups in Madagascar. The population of Antananarivo is mainly composed of the two ethnic groups of the high plateaus, the Merina (88%) and the Betsileo (5%).
• [31]
  Fournet Guérin, C. “La géographie invisible de la ville: L’Inscription des castes dans l’espace urbain à Tananarive,” Colloque géographie sociale de Rennes (Rennes Social Geography Colloquial), October 21-22, 2004. Accessed from: www.univ-lemans.fr/lettres/eso/evenements/contributions_10_2004/fc.pdf.
• [32]
  Malagasy society was structured until the end of the 19^th century by a system of pseudo-castes or status groups (Condominas, 1991; Raison-Jourde, 1991). This system was officially abolished by the colonial authorities but survived insidiously nonetheless, as several studies have shown (Ramamonjisoa 1984; Roubaud, 2000; Fournet-Guerin, 2004).
• [33]
  It is hard to identify individuals’ roots in terms of caste. The caste system was abolished over a century ago and there is now a partial taboo surrounding these roots. Moreover, there is much more intermixing among the population today than at the beginning of last century, which means that descendents of the different castes can be found at different levels of the city. C. Fournet Guérin points out, however, that many of Antananarivo's inhabitants maintain this hierarchical concept of space and even suggests the city has an invisible geography (“la géographie invisible”).
• [34]
  Benoît-Guilbot, O. “Quartier-dortoirs ou quartiers-villages?” in the reader L’esprit des lieux. Localité et changement social en France. Paris: Éditions du CNRS, 1986, and Authier, J.-Y., “Les rapports au quartier,” in J.-Y. Authier (ed.) Du domicile à la ville. Vivre en quartier ancien. Paris: Anthropos, “Villes” Collection, 2001, 133-169.
• [35]
  Rakotomanan, Razafindrakoto, and Roubaud, Gouvernance, démocratie et lute.
• [36]
  Goux, D. and E. Maurin, “Neigborhood Effects and Performance at School,” CREST working document, 2004.
• [37]
  Maurin, E. Le ghetto français. Enquête sur le séparatisme social. Paris: Le Seuil, “La République des idées” Collection, 2004.
• [38]
  Wachsberger, J.-M., “Les quartiers pauvres à Antananarivo: trappe à pauvreté ou support des individus ?” Autrepart n°51, p.79-100, 2009.
• [39]
  For a definition of C.U.s, see Ravelosoa, J. R. “Niveau de vie et taille des ménages: Estimation d’une échelle d’équivalence,” Économie de Madagascar, 4 (1999), 53-76.
• [40]
  Randremanana, R. V., R. Migliani, S. Rakotomanga and I. JEANNE, “Système d’Information Géographique et Santé: Application à la ville d’Antananarivo,” Archives de l’Institut Pasteur de Madagascar, 67 (1-2), 2001, 74–78.
• [41]
  Collective, La cité des mille, Antananarivo: Histoire, architecture, urbanisme, collection by CITE/TSIPIKA, Antananarivo, 1998.
• [42]
  Zatovo Western Andevo Malagasy (Young, Western – due to their identification with cowboys – Slaves, Malagasy).
• [43]
  Althabe, G. (1978), “Strikes, urban mass action and political change: Tananarive 1972,” in P.C.W. Gutkind, R. Cohen, and J. Copans (eds), African Labor History. London: Sage Publications, 205-243.
• [44]
  Tanora Tonga Saina. Literally, the young self-enlightened.
• [45]
  Raison-Jourde, F. (1993), “Une transition achevée ou amorcée?” Politique Africaine, 52 (December 1993), 6–18.
• [46]
  Yet, as we have seen, we have only been able to highlight a few specific variables that explain to a very limited extent the differences in attitudes between individuals. Consequently, we cannot totally exclude the possibility that the particular concentration in the poor neighborhoods of individuals with one or more specific “antidemocratic” characteristics (which may have escaped us) might explain this sizeable distrust of the democratic system.
• [47]
  Wachsberger, “Enfermement ou support?”
• [48]
  Wachsberger, “Enfermement ou support?”
• [49]
  Lewis, O. “The Culture of Poverty,” in D.P. Moynihan (ed.), On understanding poverty: Perspectives from the social science. New York: Basic Book, 1969; Lewis, O. The Children of Sanchez : Autobiography of a Mexican Family, Vintage Books, 1963 .
• [50]
  Lewis, On understanding poverty.
• [51]
  Paugam, S. “Pauvreté et exclusion: La force des contrastes nationaux,” in S. Paugam (ed.), L’exclusion, l’État des saviors. Paris: La Découverte, 1996.
• [52]
  This nickname derives from their supposed habits: miady (violence), midaina (drugs), mitraina (alcoholism) and mivarotena (prostitution).
• [53]
  Measured by the Rosenberg scale, 1965.
• [54]
  Vidal, D., Les bonnes de Rio. Emploi domestique et société démocratique au Brésil, Lille, France: Presses du Septentrion, 2006.
• [55]
  Audier, S. Tocqueville retrouvé. Genèse et enjeu du renouveau tocquevillien français. Paris: Vrin, EHESS, 2004.
• [56]
  The “suburban riots” of November 2005, as they were called by the French press, may well be an expression of this hostility to democracy. We could also mention the slogan “death to democracy” written in red letters on the occupied EHESS (Higher College of Social Sciences). See also D. Goux and E. Maurin’s analyses of the 2004 regional elections in France (Goux, D. and E. Maurin, “Anatomie sociale d’un vote,” Le Monde, April 14, 2004).
• [57]
  Putnam, R. D., Bowling alone: The collapse and revival of American community. New York: Simon and Schuster, 2000; and Putnam, R. D., Leonardi, R. and R. Y. Nanetti (1994), Making democracy work. Civic traditions in modern Italy. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994.
• [58]
  Ritaine, E., “Cherche capital social, désespérément,” Critique internationale, 12 (2001), 48–59.